ISSUE 6

Putting Away the Hatchets
by Bill Fletcher, Jr.

On the weekend of June 19-21, 1998, 2000 activists gathered in Chicago at the first conference of the Black Radical Congress.

This gathering of individuals, organizations, and political tendencies across the spectrum of the Black Left proved in its numbers to be a complete surprise to most observers, and to the organizers themselves. When the conference convened, the hall was standing room only, and the registration area was overwhelmed by the numbers of interested participants who sought entry. By the end of the weekend, Black radicalism breathed with the life of a new movement, its unifying principles affirmed.

This invigorating Juneteenth gathering emerged out of informal discussions begun at the time of the October 1995, Million Man March. Manning Marable, Leith Mullings, Barbara Ransby, Abdul Alkalimat, and myself, all of us with long histories in the African American movement, were drawn into these discussions out of belief that the Million Man March (MMM) demonstrated the marginality of the Black Left, despite the fact that several Left and progressive individuals played varying roles in the March. The dominant force, the Nation of Islam, clearly set the tone for the march and all-but-ignored the contributions of progressive forces that offered full or critical support to the effort. The MMM articulated a very contradictory message which included serious male supremacist and pro-capitalist approaches to the crisis facing Black America. And, less well known, there was an atmosphere surrounding the MMM and its aftermath which was fairly repressive vis a vis criticism: Some critics, particularly Black feminists, were denounced and, at least in one case, accosted for taking critical stands.

From this initial core of five organizers the discussion expanded in early 1997 when approximately forty activists gathered in Chicago to consider the feasibility of what was then thought of as a summit meeting of the Black Left. Through discussion we agreed that there needed to be a gathering, not of the Left per se but of Black radicals. The choice of the term "radical" was not a repudiation of the concept of the political Left; rather, it reflected the belief that the term "Left" did not have a clear meaning for younger activists. By Black radicalism we meant the tendency within African American politics that emphasizes the relationship of masses to struggle, to defiance, to transformation. Black radicalism is anti-capitalist, and certainly antiimperialist but not necessarily united on a specific vision for the future. In this sense, Black radicalism has various currents, some of which overlap, others of which disagree, and still others which occasionally have hostile relationships.

We agreed that the gathering needed to be one step in the process of rebuilding the visibility and relevance of Black radicalism-rooted in struggles of the working class and poor-as a viable tendency within the African American movement. Thus, the project shifted from convening a one time gathering of activists to building a long-term movement, a united front to be known as the Black Radical Congress (BRC). This shift illustrated also the breadth of the project we envisioned in early 1997.

We also agreed that a national organizing committee needed to be constituted in order to build for the conference and the long term project. For the next sixteen months this national committee conducted work across the country to build the BRC. Our effort focused on building the representative character of the BRC by tapping into different groups of Black activists. The national organizing committee grew to approximately 150 people. A "Call" for the Congress was issued which represented the common views shared by every major tendency within the Black Left, and initial Principles of Unity were agreed upon.

The principles of unity affirm the contributions to Black radicalism that derive specifically from "revolutionary nationalism," "feminism," and "socialism"-the interconnected but nevertheless distinct political currents we sought to unify in this new movement. While not conceived of as "Left," the principles were composed to achieve a higher level of unity than "progressivism." They were also intended to be inclusive of all Black radicals. Therefore, central to principles that would unify these still very diverse points of view under the banner of Black "radicalism" was the agreement to acknowledge differences with regard to longterm objectives and not allow these differences to undermine the project. The principles also affirmed the participation of gay/lesbian radicals and took a strong stance against heterosexism and homophobia.

Through word of mouth, an active exchange through a website, local organizing, and limited publicity, activists built for the Juneteenth gathering. The overall success of the gathering was conveyed in press accounts of the conference across the country. As one of the conference organizers remarked: "...we flew in under the radar...No one expected this to happen."

Now we look to the future of the BRC. Based on activities to date, I believe that the future success of the BRC depends on taking strategic advantage of (1) the new openness among Black radicals and Left organizations to work together and build operational unity as a united front, (2) the opportunity to engage Black neoconservatism, ideologically and politically, in a struggle for the hearts and minds of Black America, and (3) changes within the AFL-CIO which offer Black radicals the chance to influence developments within the Black working class as well as in broader multi-national/racial working class struggles.

BUILDING THE BRC AS A UNITED FRONT
The BRC represents the most recent, and possibly the broadest, effort to build a united front of the Black Left. The willingness to "put down the hatchets," as it were, has been the subject of much discussion. At base this willingness reflects a level of desperation and a sense of humility. The desperation exists on two levels. At one level, most Left-wing organizations in the African American movement are far weaker than they or similar such organizations were 20-30 years ago. It is more difficult to posture from a position of weakness. At another level, the desperation is also that of the Black working class and poor, the intended base of the BRC. African American workers, along with workers of other nationalities, have witnessed a steady decline in their living standard since the early 1970s.

The opening within the Black Left to work together and build operational unity is a rare opportunity. Having said this, the unity in the BRC is precious and unstable. The success of the Juneteenth gathering in Chicago was remarkable, but the actualization of an on-going organization is a different matter.

The Chicago gathering was built through geographically-based local organizing committees, in some respects like a national electoral campaign. Such committees were established in all regions of the U.S. and proved to be a useful means of mobilizing for conference participation on the end-date of Juneteenth 1998. There were, as well, numerous cities where no such committees were established, e.g., Detroit, Pittsburgh-either because of differences among supporters of the BRC or lack of local leadership-but from which significant numbers of participants were attracted. Thus, the structure put into place to build for the conference was not necessarily the structure which could build the BRC in the conference aftermath.

In order for the BRC to succeed-and success is far from a settled question-this united front must build on the work of its constituents. Lessons from earlier formations of a similar type have taught us that there is a tendency to attempt to institutionalize a united front at the expense of constituent organizations and/or constituent activities: The front becomes a black hole absorbing all energy, rather than building on the activities of those who have joined together. Similarly, we know that forcing all BRC activity through local, geographic organizing committees is a recipe for failure given that many of the activists currently involved with the BRC are involved in their own locally-based or national work. Furthermore, we know to avoid make-work projects that sap resources simply for the purpose of creating joint work or distinguishing the united front as an entity. This front will need to organize around independent activities that can be sustained in their own right. This distinct role for the BRC can be developed in different ways. For one, the BRC needs multiple points of entry. Activists and organizations must be able to access the BRC via geographically-based organizing committees, but also through sectoral projects as well as existing organizational affiliations.

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST BLACK NEOCONSERVATISM
To borrow from the language of strategic planning, we are living through a period of immense opportunities and threats. A global economic crisis is unfolding; the 25 year decline in living standard has shown few indications of reversal. This crisis, advanced by capitalism's own inner workings as well as the particular U.S. policies that grow out of what has come to be known as neoliberalism, threaten to throw millions more into abject poverty and destroy entire nations.

Domestically and internationally, resistance is growing to the "race to the bottom," that is, the driving down of the working class by capital in the interests of greater profits. Around the globe, working class movements are fighting the attacks of neoliberalism. Nevertheless, this resistance has rarely been turned into anything approaching a counter-offensive by the U.S. working class.

The increasing oppression of the Black working class and poor in the U.S. and the widening class divide within the Black population has led to new issues con-fronting Black America itself. In the wake of the stalling of the Civil Rights consensus which dominated the movement from World War II through the early 1970s and the defeat of the African American people's movement in the 1970s, one tendency which grew came to be known as "Black neoconservatism." It is concern about the growth of this tendency that originally brought BRC activists together.

Wearing different garments depending on the occasion, Black neoconserva-tism advances the view that progressive political activity, particularly though not exclusively mass mobilization, is a dead-end. This view holds that private, economic entrepreneurship-pulling oneself up by one's bootstraps, so to speak-is the path for Black freedom. One need only remember the victory achieved by Booker T. Washington and his brand of Black politics which dominated Black America for decades. Drawing from this lineage, this tendency focuses on private economic development and alliances with those sections of capital which are favorable to such a direction.

Contrary to many of the orators of Black neoconservatism, segregation was not a better situation for Black America. At the same time, the defeat of legal Jim Crow segregation was insufficient to truly liberate Black America, a point which Malcolm X articulated and Martin Luther King clearly saw toward the end of his life. The problem for Black America lies in the intersection of capitalism and racism. Thus, liberation cannot be found by opening up a few more small (or even large) businesses, though economic development is clearly important in the short and long term. It ultimately involves a challenge to capitalism itself.

Variants of Black neoconservatism hold that Black America's decline is somehow tied to the alleged failure of Black males to lead the Black community. Such male leadership, they hold, must exert itself not only in community affairs but also within the home, where the traditional two parent heterosexual family is viewed as the only acceptable approach (and where the male is the dominant force). Thus, Black neoconservatism contains an implicit and often explicit attack on the Black women's movement and the struggle against male supremacy, as well as on the rights of gays and lesbians.

The struggle against Black neocon-servatism is an ideological and political fight of paramount importance. A victory of Black neoconservatism allied with the larger shift to the political Right in the U.S. would represent a major setback for the African American people's movement. Politically liberal forces within Black America, e.g., the NAACP, are not ideologically equipped to defeat Black neo-conservatism. Black radicalism is needed to give a dialectical analysis of the results of the struggles of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements and chart a new path under current conditions.

THE CENTRALITY OF THE BLACK WORKING CLASS AND THE OPPORTUNITIES POSED BY CHANGES IN THE AFL-CIO
Many earlier efforts have rhetoricized about the importance of the Black working class, yet, in their activities the Black working class was not central, and in some cases not even included. The BRC recognizes that the struggle within Black America plays itself out as a struggle between neoconservatism on the one hand and progressive and radical politics on the other. This struggle is, in essence, a class struggle.

The demands of the Black working class can no longer be added onto a laundry list, nor can the activities aimed at building a base within the Black working class be reserved for the trade union committee of a larger organization.

The AFL-CIO is now a key site of struggle over the shape and nature of resistance to neoliberalism. It is a site in which we can and-in order to build any semblance of resistance to neoliberal-ism-we must resuscitate a challenge to the corporate agenda and a recognition of "class" as a notion and approach to organizing. At this time, change in the AFL-CIO and its many affiliated unions can have dramatic effects on the shape of class struggle in the U.S.

With these changes has come a new openness to working with various Left and progressive activists and organizations which would never have transpired dur-ing the Cold War years. Alliances are in flux, and a regroupment is possible that can allow Black radicalism to impact changes in the union movement. If the AFL-CIO and its affiliates can be pushed to act on its stated interest in "organizing the unorganized," greater attention will go to organizing the South and its large con-centration of Black (and increasingly Latino) workers. Such organizing activity has the potential to shape a political realignment nationally.

Similarly, the unionization of greater numbers of Black workers could help to build a new echelon of radical leadership within Black America that can offer an alternative to the traditional Black liberal leadership as well as the rising neocon-servatives. This occurred in the 1930/40s when the CIO produced a whole set of new leaders who contrasted with the traditional Black leadership. Some of these went on to play a significant political role, e.g., Charles Hayes, Coleman Young.

The BRC could play a role, locally and nationally, in building support for labor organizing campaigns. Significant efforts are underway to organize hotels in New Orleans, as well as to reorganize the largely Black workforce in the Avondale shipyard (also in Louisiana). Major efforts have been conducted for years to organ-ize homecare workers in Los Angeles (and other cities), as well as nursing homes. In several Southern states, largely-Black public sector organizations have been undertaking efforts at self-organization.

Living wage campaigns have developed over the last several years as a means to raise the minimum wage for workers who receive public dollars but are working for private contractors. Living wage campaigns provide a mechanism to address issues of poverty and privatization. Privatization, as an attack on the public sector, is a direct attack on a workforce which is often largely workers of color. Living wage campaigns aim to take the competitive advantage out of privatization in situations where private contractors are competing on the basis of low wages.

Additionally, living wage campaigns can be a means for Black radicals to begin to tackle the question of growing polarization in standard of living within Black America. Such campaigns can argue that the government has an interest in the quality of jobs that are produced by the economy. This speaks against those entrepreneurs-and their political representatives-who argue for any sort of jobs. Campaigns have taken place in Baltimore, Los Angeles, and a number of other major cities. While these campaigns have each differed from one another, they have often linked trade unions and community-based organizations. Such campaigns have an immense capacity to raise issues regarding the polarization of wealth which places people of color in the lower stratas of the working class and the stagnation of living standards, as well as to bring together a multi-national/racial coalition of forces to challenge the local power structures.

There are, of course, problems in these campaigns, but the living wage campaign, the 28th Amendment campaign, and the organizing of workfare workers into unions provide a form of activity, in addition to trade union organizing, that can root the BRC in the struggles of the working class. The BRC could help to lead efforts to expand and spread such campaigns, ensuring that these campaigns not only improve the living standard of low-wage African American workers, but that they also help to promote the self-organization of this same workforce.

IN CONCLUSION
By way of conclusion, I want to reiterate that the BRC as a project has a potential larger than within the context of Black America. The larger Left, suffering body blows from the crisis of socialism and the crisis of the national liberation movements has, to a great extent, retreated into small, disparate "Lefts," that is, Lefts focused almost entirely on particular sectors. The BRC offers an approach to building strategic unity, rather than the tactical unity with which most of us are familiar. It assumes differences, but also assumes that a longer term unity can be built, a unity which will be redefined over time. This approach offers an example, and hopefully some level of inspiration for other forces on the Left. Irrespective of the outcome of this project, the way in which the BRC is being built and the manner in which it is attempting to engage diverse forces may serve as an example of some of the initial steps necessary in order to reconstruct-refound-a viable national Left capable of engaging in the struggle for power and social transformation.

BILL FLETCHER, JR.
is a Washinton, DC-based labor activist and writer long involved in the African-American People's Movement. Es Organizador Nacional Del Congreso Radical Negro.